first_imgEnter To Win A Pair Of Tickets To Shadefest Below!<span data-mce-type=”bookmark” style=”display: inline-block; width: 0px; overflow: hidden; line-height: 0;” class=”mce_SELRES_start”></span> From August 9th through 11th, Shadefest, the beloved independent jam-focused music festival, will celebrate its fourth year. The intimate, multi-night camping event tapped a number of fan favorites from the jam scene and beyond for their particularly impressive lineup. With the festival’s expansion to a new home in West Virginia, fans can expect the same community Shadefest has fostered over the years—one made possible through a grassroots effort and the event’s independent nature, which eschews larger corporate, cookie-cutter festivals in favor of building a collaborative entity among attendees and musicians.Heading the lineup is TAUK, the hard-hitting instrumental funk-rock fusion quartet out of New York City. Another staple on the scene, Consider The Source, will offer up a rare “intimate hybrid acoustic” set. Rounding out the top of the bill is The Southern Belles, the quickly rising Richmond-based quartet known for their psychedelic Southern rock-inspired tunes. Tuscaloosa, Alabama’s self-proclaimed purveyors of “Joyfunk,” CBDB, will also be on hand, in addition to Greensboro, North Carolina’s high-octane jam darlings, The Mantras, who have a special Beastie Boys tribute planned for the festival.Shadefest has always prided itself on being a premier independent music festival of the Mid-Atlantic. Each year, the festival curates an attractive lineup focused on jams and improvisation, mixing well-loved nationally touring artists with a diverse range of local and regional up-and-comers. Two fan-favorite acts reppin’ the hometown team high up on the bill are Washington DC’s Of Tomorrow and Charlottesville’s Kendall Street Company, both of which are known for their high-energy performances and tight-laced improvisations. Shadefest has also tapped a number of quickly rising bands like Goose, South Hill Banks, Zen, Toxic Moxie, and more, plus Of Tomorrow’s Mike Candela and Richmond’s stunning songstress, Anneliese Grant, will be on hand to sit-in and lend their fiery musical talents to a number of performances across the weekend as artists-at-large.Along with a lineup that continues to push Shadefest into the future, in 2018, the festival is moving to a new home at the Pegasus Farm Campground in Elkins, WV. After three successful years in Avenue, Maryland, Shadefest has outgrown its former venue. Pegasus Farm—which some fans may know as the former host of the beloved, now-defunct music festival, Camp Barefoot—will allow Shadefest to continue increasing attendance and add an additional stage while still remaining accessible to its fervent Mid-Atlantic fan base.As Gordon Hughes, the festival’s organizer, explained,After three beautiful years in southern Maryland, we’re excited to bring the warmth and love of Shadefest Music Festival to Pegasus Farm, a historic venue that has hosted a variety of music festivals, and which shares our values of respect for the community and love of music. We are also excited to host a “local showcase” full of acts from around West Virginia on opening night of the festival. The festival moves to its new home at Elkins, West Virginia’s Pegasus Farm Campground this summer from August 9th to 11th. Check out Shadefest’s full lineup below. Do yourself a favor, and don’t miss out on this fan-favorite festival! Furthermore, the event has a partnership with the Richmond SPCA, meaning that a portion of all ticket sales will benefit the well-established, no-kill animal shelter.Tickets for Shadefest are available now and can be purchased here. For more information, head to the Shadefest’s website or follow the festival’s Facebook page.last_img read more

first_imgGreensky Bluegrass is gearing up for the release of their seventh studio album, All For Money, due out on January 18th, 2019 via the band’s own label, Big Blue Zoo Records. Yesterday, the jamgrass quintet shared a second track, “Do It Alone”, from the upcoming album, following the title track’s release earlier this month.The follow up to 2016’s Shouted, Written Down & Quoted, the new twelve-track record was recorded at Echo Mountain Recording in Asheville, NC alongside co-producers Dominic John Davis (Jack White’s longtime bassist) and Glenn Brown. Today, Greensky Bluegrass has shared behind the scenes footage of the band’s in-studio process as they record “Do It Alone”.Speaking about the new track, Paul Hoffman told NPR’s World Cafe,I’d been trying to write a windows-down rock and roll tune for a while. I got out an old guitar of mine, re-strung it, and immediately spit the song out. It’s meant to be an anthem.I ask myself, “Why do I do it alone?” It’s because I’ve got a whole room of thousands singing at the top of their lungs with me. Whenever I write something emotional that might be difficult to sing, I’m reminded of the fact the crowd is there. Hopefully, it’s a reminder for other people as well and we all have something to chant together.Watch Greensky Bluegrass’ behind the scenes footage of their recording process for “Do It Alone” below:Greensky Bluegrass – Behind The Scenes Recording Studio Footage[Video: GreenskyBluegrass]Greensky Bluegrass will celebrate New Year’ Eve at the iconic Riviera Theatre in Chicago from December 28th through the 31st. Then, in January, they’ll kick off an extended winter tour with special guests Circles Around The Sun, Billy Strings, and Cris Jacobs Band, with stops at famed venues across the country including The Ryman Auditorium, The Beacon Theatre, The Anthem, The Tabernacle, and more.REMAINING FALL TOUR DATES:December 28 – Chicago, IL – The Riviera Theatre #December 29 – Chicago, IL – The Riviera Theatre #December 30 – Chicago, IL – The Riviera Theatre %December 31 – Chicago, IL – The Riviera Theatre – “Three Sets of Greensky Bluegrass”*w/ The Lil Smokies^w/ Lindsay Lou#w/ The Jeff Austin Band% w/ Horseshoes & Hand GrenadesWINTER TOUR DATES:January 10 – Albany, NY – Palace Theatre *January 11 – Philadelphia, PA – The Met Philadelphia *January 12 – New York, NY – Beacon Theatre *January 16 – Covington, KY – Madison Theater *January 17 – Nashville, TN – Ryman Auditorium *January 18 – St. Louis, MO – The Pageant *January 19 – Atlanta, GA – Tabernacle *January 22 – St. Petersburg, FL – Jannus Landing Terrace ^January 23 – Charleston, SC – Charleston Music Hall ^January 24 – Knoxville, TN – The Mill & Mine ^January 25 – Raleigh, NC – The Ritz ^January 26 – Charlotte, NC – The Fillmore Charlotte ^January 27 – Charleston, WV – Mountain StageJanuary 29 – Portland, ME – State Theatre #January 30 – Boston, MA – House of Blues #January 31 – Jim Thorpe, PA – Penn’s PeakFebruary 1 – Washington, DC – The Anthem #February 2 – Washington DC – The Anthem #February 5 – Cleveland, OH – House of Blues #February 6 – Columbus, OH – Express Live! #February 7 – Pittsburgh, PA – Stage AE #February 8 – Detroit, MI – The Fillmore DetroitFebruary 9 – Detroit, MI – The Fillmore Detroit*w/ Circles Around the Sun#w/ Billy Strings^Cris Jacobs BandUPCOMING FESTIVAL APPEARANCES:December 7 – 11 – Puerto Morelos, Mexico – Strings & SolApril 11 – 14 – Las Vegas, Nevada – Bender JamboreeView All Tour Dates[H/T Jambase]last_img read more

first_imgDavid S. Landes, a renowned historian whose work focused on the complex dynamics of cultural values, technological innovation, and historical circumstance in economic development, died Aug. 17 at age 89.The Coolidge Professor of History and Professor of Economics Emeritus, Landes is arguably best-known for his book “The Wealth and Poverty of Nations,” a historical treatise that explored the ways in which history and culture intersected to create the conditions that allowed some nations to prosper while others languished in relative poverty. The book has been hailed as a landmark work by other historians and economists, including John Kenneth Galbraith, who called it “truly wonderful. No question that this will establish David Landes as preeminent in his field and in his time.”Citing examples as varied as the role air conditioning played in the development of the American south, to how using chopsticks may have helped Asian workers gain the manual dexterity needed in microprocessor manufacture, to the role of eyeglasses in making precision tools possible, Landes was able to illustrate the modern history and economics of Western Europe and the Middle East in a unique and highly accessible way.Among the Harvard faculty members who worked with Landes was Laurence A. Tisch Professor of History Niall Ferguson, who received a lengthy message from Landes regarding an upcoming book.“I had just finished the first draft of my history of the Rothschilds,” Ferguson recalled. “I returned from holiday to find a 95-page fax from David Landes, who had been asked to act as a reader, but in fact took on the role of my unofficial editor.“His comments were so brilliant, so insightful and so helpful that I was humbled,” he continued. “It was the beginning of a friendship, but I always considered myself first and foremost his apprentice-cum-disciple, always learning from a master of economic history — and of life. ‘Other people work to live,’ he liked to remind me. ‘We are lucky — we live to work.’ ”Another Harvard faculty member who counted Landes among his role models was Alan Dershowitz, the Felix Frankfurter Professor of Law at Harvard Law School.“David was a role model for me from my earliest days at Harvard — showing me that a Harvard professor could be a proud Jew and Zionist,” Dershowitz wrote. “It was an honor to know him and be a neighbor. I remember particularly his active involvement in the Harvard Jewish faculty lunch group and the perceptive and challenging questions he always posed. I will miss him.”“What melancholy news,” said Leon Wieseltier, literary editor of the New Republic. “I remember David as one of the most interesting people I ever knew, and in so many ways unexpected: a traditionalist who kept inventing new subjects; an economic historian who taught everyone to study culture; a sophisticated man who liked to defend common sense.“He had a naturally rigorous mind, which people sometimes mistook for a ferocity of personality,” Wieseltier added. “I don’t think I ever had a conversation with him that did not impart a new fact or refine an old opinion.”Born in Brooklyn, N.Y., Landes received an A.B. from the City College of New York in 1942, and his A.M. from Harvard University in 1943.After receiving his master’s degree, Landes was inducted into the U.S. Army, and assigned to the Signal Corps, which deployed him to guard and sentinel duty at the Army Japanese language school in Arlington, Va. While there, he met Edwin Reischauer, then an instructor at Harvard in Far Eastern languages.Drawn by Landes’ personality, Reischauer selected Landes for the Signal Corps’ Japanese language school, where he worked as a cryptanalyst of Japanese codes. In May 1944, Landes received a field promotion to second lieutenant, as a cryptographic officer. In part, he deciphered Japanese messages concerning the nuclear bombs dropped on Japan. In 1945 and portions of 1946, he served in Hoechst, Germany, as a historical editor of German preparations for the defense of Normandy.Following his honorable discharge in 1946, Landes returned to Harvard, where he studied under Professor Donald McKay, and received his Ph.D. in 1953. From 1950 to 1953, he was a junior fellow of the Society of Fellows at Columbia University, and was appointed an assistant professor at Columbia in 1952; he later served as an associate professor from 1955 to 1958.From 1957 to 1958, Landes served as a fellow at the Center for Advanced Study in the Behavioral Sciences at Stanford University. He was then appointed a professor of history and economics at the University of California, Berkeley, a post he held until 1964.In 1964, he joined the Harvard faculty as a professor of history and went on to various appointments in the fields of history, political science, and economics. From 1981 to 1993, he chaired the Committee on Degrees in Social Studies, and since 1987 he had been a senior fellow of the Society of Fellows.In addition to his work as a Harvard faculty member, Landes in 1975 led a panel on Western European affairs for the Commission of Critical Choices for Americans, which was created by former New York Gov. Nelson A. Rockefeller. Landes also received five honorary degrees.Landes was predeceased by his wife, Sonia. He is survived by his children, Jane, Richard and Alison, as well as eight grandchildren and nine great-grandchildren.Landes wrote more than 50 articles, chapters, introductions, prefaces and forwards, and served as co-editor of a handful of other works. His best-known titles include “Bankers and Pashas: International Finance and Economic Imperialism in Egypt” (1958), a chapter in “The Cambridge Economic History of Europe, VI: The Industrial Revolution and After” (1965), “The Unbound Prometheus: Technological Change and Industrial Development in Western Europe from 1750 to the Present” (1969), “Revolution in Time: Clocks and the Making of the Modern World” (1983), “The Wealth and Poverty of Nations: Why Some Are So Rich and Some So Poor” (1998), “Dynasties: Fortunes and Misfortunes of the World’s Great Family Businesses” (2006). His published works have been translated into numerous foreign languages, including French, German, Italian, Spanish, Portuguese, Russian, Greek, Turkish, Arabic, Chinese, and Japanese.At the time of his death, Landes was working on a number of projects, including a history of modern Israel, a study of latitude, and a historical fiction of modern Turkey. Those works will either remain incomplete or be published by his family at a website in his honor.last_img read more

first_img 8SHARESShareShareSharePrintMailGooglePinterestDiggRedditStumbleuponDeliciousBufferTumblr Credit unions today are increasingly aware of the mountain of valuable data accumulating in their core and other operational systems. With technology evolving at a rapid pace, opportunities to leverage this data are becoming not only more available but also more affordable than ever before.As a result, credit union decision makers are anxious to ramp up Big Data & Analytics initiatives. However, before plowing ahead with an investment in hardware, software, and services, it is important to consider the risk lurking within the data itself: dirty data.Dishing Up the DirtThe official title for dirty data is “poor data quality”.  However, that seems too clinical considering the mess that dirty data can make for an important Big Data & Analytics program. Yet, when program champions are warned of the dangers of dirty data, they are often skeptical. They point to the source systems from which they plan to pull data and note, correctly, that there appear to be few issues due any dirty data. In fact, they doubt that there is much a data quality issue since these systems run just fine. continue reading »last_img read more

first_img 5SHARESShareShareSharePrintMailGooglePinterestDiggRedditStumbleuponDeliciousBufferTumblr In 2016, mobile-driven commerce will reach an estimated US$972.25 billion across the 46 markets where Euromonitor International conducts this digital research.Most impressively, mobile payments are expected to reach US$3 trillion by 2021. While that is a lot of transacted money across these small-screen devices, mobile-based payments will equate to only an estimated 11 percent of all consumer card payment volume across these markets in 2021, up from approximately 5 percent in 2016.As mobile phones cement themselves as the most popular device on the planet and mobile-based commerce continues to expand leaps and bounds, the market potential in the next 10 to 20 years remains enormous. The stakes are certainly high for payment players, merchants and brands, which are all fighting to be among the first to get mobile right and gain significant adoption among an increasingly more connected consumer base. continue reading »last_img read more

first_imgThe trend toward digitizing business operations to eliminate labor-intensive and time-consuming paper processes is more than just a passing fad. It has, in fact, grown into a revolution with wide-ranging adoption of innovative digital technologies throughout entire organizations. Driven by a digitally-empowered consumer, companies today must reshape themselves to meet the performance benchmarks set by digital pioneers like Apple, Uber, Amazon and Google. Credit unions that focus on offering similar seamless digital experiences can successfully ride this Digital Wave and improve the consumer journey as well as reduce costs and increase member loyalty. The Case for Digital InnovationAccording to McKinsey, financial institutions that do not adopt digital innovation stand to be punished by account holders who increasingly rely on and demand digital connections. The company’s research suggests that financial institutions that are “digital laggards” could see net profits erode by as much as 35 percent, while innovators could see profits grow as much as 40 percent or more. As the McKinsey researchers concluded: The urgency to innovate is acute. Many financial institutions are heeding McKinsey’s advice and adopting digital strategies to adapt to the fact that consumers and businesses alike are shifting their banking preferences to online and mobile solutions. ( MX Technologies reports that 38% of consumers have reduced how often they bank somewhere because of a poor digital experience ( So how can credit unions ride the digital wave, especially when they may lack the resources of larger institutions?One area where financial institutions can apply digital technology that makes a significant impact is with small business loans ranging from $50,000 to $250,000, and small dollar, short-term consumer loans from $100 to $1,500. Using digital lending technology offers financial institutions the opportunity to improve productivity, close more loans and increase revenue per loan with cheaper, faster and automated services.However, the technology must be more than simply digitizing parts of the loan process, like offering your loan application or balances and payments online. The type of digital lending technology that truly embraces digital innovation and resonates with members is one that provides an end-to-end process that fully automates origination, application, underwriting, funding, loan review and administration. The technology utilizes member data—including checking and deposit activity—to speed up the underwriting process, while staying within institution risk tolerances. It embraces cloud computing to make the entire process seamless, thereby improving the member experience. It handles all documentation online using electronic signatures. It books the loans directly to your core. The digital experience is not only easier for the consumer – it’s easier for you too!Ride the Wave with the Right Digital Partner A 2015 study by Bain & Co. recommended financial institutions “boost investments in digital lending to avoid a material decline in profits and loss in market share.” Fortunately, end-to-end technology that breaks through IT development barriers is readily available through proven third-party providers. In making a decision to partner with one of these providers, seek one that:Provides a secure, Software-as-a-Service (SaaS), end-to-end platform that is core-agnostic.Allows account holders to obtain small business and consumer loans from application to closing, entirely online.Ensures your credit union retains control over the decision, pricing, credit policy, risk metrics, loan dollars and account holder experience. Automatically books loans and funds them through your core. Provides an attractive, brand-able omnichannel borrower portal.Facilitates approval in minutes and funding within a day or less.Monitors loans, deposit activity and credit information.Handles loan renewals.Is endorsed by respected industry associations that rigorously vet the programs they support.With the right digital lending technology, you can give consumers and business account holders what they expect: a transparent loan process, quick decisions, and a seamless 24/7 digital experience. And your credit union can “hang ten” on the Digital Wave. 12SHARESShareShareSharePrintMailGooglePinterestDiggRedditStumbleuponDeliciousBufferTumblr,Chris Rentner Chris is the Director of Digital Lending at Velocity Solutions where he has responsibility over the Akouba™ and CashPlease™ solutions.  He is a successful serial entrepreneur, and prior to joining … Web: Detailslast_img read more

first_imgWe desperately want (and need) younger members. Millennials are quite simple. They like free stuff. Stuff they can see (not a waived fee). In a recent study, 300 Millennials surveyed, 62% said they interacted with brands on social media to get discounts rather than any “news” about a product. And 56% percent said they interacted to get freebies. Using the psychology of rewards combined with the recipe for Raving Fans it could look like this. The credit union wants your auto loan The Millennial wants that car – sidebar: you should probably review your loan policies to see if you would even loan to them, because this is a problem in many shopsDeliver the loan (should be a simple and easy and pleasant experience) plus 1% – the free stuff. How about partnering with a local car wash or oil change place or even an auto parts store and give them a $25.00 gift certificate? Something they did NOT expect which means they will likely share that story on social media.  That’s a win/win all around. If you are getting many of your Millennial members through your indirect channel this is even more impactful because they did not necessarily choose you, they don’t know you. Now they’ll never forget you. Loyalty begins…..Feel free to rip off and duplicate that idea and dump your member rewards program. Credit unions can be the kings of R & D: Rip-off and duplicate. If someone is doing it already, why reinvent the wheel? Just offer the same thing.  How else can you explain the lack of differentiation with “me too” products? Many credit union’s member rewards programs top that list. I’m not talking about credit card rewards programs, because those do work, they are simple to explain and give members what they want. I’m taking about the “aggregate balance” programs where you segregate members by total balances and the more they have the more they get.  I won’t say which credit union has the worst one I’ve ever seen, but let’s just say, “It’s not rocket science.” The Psychology of Rewards can be broken down into two components: Extrinsic: Someone wants YOU to do itIntrinsic: The reward is such that YOU want to do itA good reward program understands the connection between those two and delivers just that. Here’s the typical Membership Rewards Program.  It usually has about four levels: Bronze, Silver, Gold and PlatinumAnd for some reason the belief is you should highlight all the “free” stuff that everyone gets before you get into the “goody bag” For example, all levels would receive these amazing perks:Savings account with no maintenance fee (wow)VISA Classic and Platinum with no annual fee eBranch Online Banking FreeContact-24 Telephone Banking FreeFree Debit CardFree ATM Transactions at 28,000 ATMsPOS transactions with no feeOverdraft from savings with no feeIRA with no management feesIncoming wire with no feeTeller service with no fee3 free non credit union ATM transactions free (but rarely is the surcharge waived)To charge for most of these things would be absurd and so far out of market you wouldn’t get a member anyway.The credit union wants you to be their Primary Financial Institution by bringing ALL your business so that you can get the following perks (if you are at the highest level, which is usually around $50K aggregate) The problem with this way of thinking? Members don’t think in those terms. I have never thought “Now where should my primary financial institution be?” In fact, today it’s probably not a good idea to have all your eggs in one basket, so to speak.But here’s what YOU would get (intrinsic reward) if you GIVE the credit union all of your business (extrinsic reward):Unlimited Free NON CU ATM Transactions (but again, surcharges may apply)One box of checks per year (targeting old people – who writes checks?) Verification of deposit with no fee (I don’t even understand this one)Online Bill Pay with no monthly fee (everyone else gets charged for this?)Replacement cards with no fee (how often do you lose your card? But it still takes 7 to 10 business days to get it back, OR you can ask for a rushed card for $36.00)Complimentary Portfolio Analysis (again with the old people and WHO in their right mind charges for that?) The problem with the psychology of this, the member DOES NOT want most of these and will likely not ever have the need for most of them.Top six reasons I don’t like these programs: They are confusing to the member and the poor employee that has to try and explain itThey are targeting older members (which we have plenty of)The member does not “feel” or “see” the rewardThey are effectively penalizing members who do not have a high credit score and/or lots of money (i.e. Millennials, which we desperately need)They, in effect, penalize a member when they pay their loans down (drops them to a lower tier)They don’t work ShareShareSharePrintMailGooglePinterestDiggRedditStumbleuponDeliciousBufferTumblr,Denise Wymore Denise started her credit union career over 30 years ago as a Teller for Pacific NW Federal Credit Union in Portland, Oregon. She moved up and around the org. chart … Web: Detailscenter_img In Ken Blanchard’s book Raving Fans he has a simple, elegant blueprint for creating fiercely loyal members. Which is really what we want. The very first page of the book he states a brutal fact. “Your customers are only satisfied because their expectations are so low and because no one else is doing better. Just having satisfied customers isn’t good enough anymore. If you really want a booming business, you have to create Raving Fans.”  There are two simple secrets to creating raving fans:Determine what the member wants. Deliver plus one. (the 1% they do not expect)last_img read more

first_imgAmericans are continuing to join credit unions in record numbers, for a variety of different reasons. They may join for an affinity, their occupation or because its a part of  their community. This number has continued to grow over the last 5 years, with currently more than 1/3 of the US population having joined a credit union. In fact, according to a recent report from Callahan and Associates, the first quarter of 2019 saw 118.6 million peoplewere members of a credit union, up from 114.1 million the previous year. The first-quarter of 2018 hit a record number for growth with a 4.3% increase in membership, and while numbers for the Q1 2019 are down a little, credit union membership is still strong.Member Growth Credit union growth occurs due to several factors. Sometimes it’s something that occurs organically through expanding fields of membership, which in turn helps CUs grow membership and deposits. Sometimes it is the quality of member services combined with increasing technology capabilities that attract new membership. Being part of a credit union has its benefits such as lower interest rates and fees, personalized service and profit sharing… a benefit that a growing number of Americans seem to appreciate, as the numbers indicate. continue reading » ShareShareSharePrintMailGooglePinterestDiggRedditStumbleuponDeliciousBufferTumblrlast_img read more

first_imgSign up for our COVID-19 newsletter to stay up-to-date on the latest coronavirus news throughout New York By Alec MacGillis, ProPublicaIn March, I was driving along a road that led from Dayton, Ohio, into its formerly middle-class, now decidedly working-class southwestern suburbs, when I came upon an arresting sight. I was looking for a professional sign-maker who had turned his West Carrollton ranch house into a distribution point for Trump yard signs, in high demand just days prior to the Ohio Republican primary. Instead of piling the signs in the driveway, he had arrayed them in his yard along the road. There they were, dozens and dozens of them, lined up in rows like the uniform gravestones in a military cemetery.The sign man wasn’t home, but he had left a married couple in charge of the distribution. I got talking to the woman, Contessa Hammel. She was 43 and worked at the convenience store at a local Speedway gas station after four years in the military. And this was the first time she was voting in 25 years of eligibility.I was startled to hear this — it’s rare to find voters entering the political process after decades of disconnection; in fact, I’d met a handyman in his 70s at a Trump rally on the other side of Dayton that same day who said he was voting for the first time, but I had dismissed it as a fluke.I asked Hammel why she’d held back all those years. “I didn’t want to make an unintelligent decision,” she said, in a tone that suggested she was well aware of what an admission that was. But this year’s Republican nominee was different, she said. “He makes it simple for people like me,” she said. “He puts it clearly.”Donald Trump’s stunning win Tuesday, defying all the prognosticators, suggested there were many more people like Hammel out there — people who were so disconnected from the political system that they were literally unaccounted for in the pollsters’ modeling, which relies on past voting behavior.But Hammel was far from the only person I met in my reporting this year who made me think that Trump had spurred something very unusual. Some of them had never voted before; some had voted for Barack Obama. None were traditional Republican voters. Some were in dire economic straits; others were just a notch up from that and looking down with resentment at the growing dependency around them. What they shared were three things. They lived in places that were in decline, and had been for some time. They lacked strong attachment to either party at a time when, even within a single metro area like Dayton, the parties had sorted themselves into ideological, geographically disparate camps that left many voters unmoored. And they had profound contempt for a dysfunctional, hyper-prosperous Washington that they saw as utterly removed from their lives.These newly energized voters helped Trump flip not only battlegrounds like Ohio and Iowa but long-blue Northern industrial states — Pennsylvania, Michigan, Wisconsin — without which he would have lost to Hillary Clinton. Nationwide, his margin with the white working class soared to 40 points, up 15 points from Romney’s in 2012.Two days after meeting Hammel, I tagged along with some Trump supporters, women who’d come all the way from Buffalo to go canvassing door-to-door in the adjacent Dayton suburb of Miamisburg. It was a rainy day, and few were answering their doors in this neighborhood of frayed frame houses and bungalows, but they persisted in their yellow ponchos; I couldn’t help but be reminded of the doggedness I’d observed among Obama volunteers in 2008.At one small house, someone finally answered the door. Tracie St. Martin stepped out onto the porch, a 54-year-old woman with a sturdy, thick-muscled build and sun-weathered face, both of them products of her 26 years as a heavy-construction worker. St. Martin greeted the women warmly, and when they told her what they were there for she said, sure, she was considering Trump — even though she usually voted Democratic. And when they got talking, in the disjointed way of canvassers making a quick pitch, about how Trump was going to bring back the good jobs, St. Martin was visibly affected. She interrupted them, wanting to tell them about how she had, not long ago, worked a job that consisted of demolishing a big local GM plant. Her eyes welled up as she told the story and she had trouble continuing.The canvassers gave her some materials and bade her farewell. But I doubled back a little later and visited with St. Martin in her kitchen, which she was in the midst of tidying up, with daytime TV playing in the background. Space in the kitchen was tight due to the treadmill she recently bought to help her get into better shape, which she hoped might make her less dependent on the painkillers for the severe aches she got from her physically demanding job, pills that had gotten a lot harder to obtain from her doctor amid the clampdown on prescription opioids.St. Martin apologized, unnecessarily, for her emotions on the porch and expanded on what she had told the women from Buffalo: She was a proud member of Local 18 of the operating engineers’ union, which had been urging its members to support Hillary Clinton. The union provided her health insurance and decent pay levels, and trained her for demanding work, which, just months earlier, had required her to hang off of a Pennsylvania cliff face in her dozer as part of a gas pipeline project.She came from a staunch Democratic family and had voted for Barack Obama in 2008, before not voting in 2012 because, she said, she was away on one of her long-term jobs. She was a single mother with three grown daughters. She had experienced all manner of sexual discrimination and harassment on very male-heavy worksites over the years.She was, in other words, as tailor-made a supporter as one could find for Clinton, a self-professed fighter for the average Jane who was running to become the first woman president.And yet St. Martin was leaning toward Trump.Her explanation for this was halting but vehement, spoken with pauses and in bursts. She was disappointed in Obama after having voted for him. “I don’t like the Obama persona, his public appearance and demeanor,” she said. “I wanted people like me to be cared about. People don’t realize there’s nothing without a blue-collar worker.” She regretted that she did not have a deeper grasp of public affairs. “No one that’s voting knows all the facts,” she said. “It’s a shame. They keep us so fucking busy and poor that we don’t have the time.”When she addressed Clinton herself, it was in a stream that seemed to refer to, but not explicitly name, several of the charges thrown against Clinton by that point in time, including her handling of the deadly 2012 attack by Islamic militants on U.S. facilities in Benghazi, Libya; the potential conflicts of interest at the Clinton Foundation; and her use of a private email server while serving as Secretary of State, mixing national security business with emails to her daughter, Chelsea.“To have lives be sacrificed because of corporate greed and warmongering, it’s too much for me — and I realize I don’t have all the facts — that there’s just too much sidestepping on her. I don’t trust her. I don’t think that — I know there’s casualties of war in conflict, I’m a big girl, I know that. But I lived my life with no secrets. There’s no shame in the truth. There’s mistakes made. We all grow. She’s a mature woman and she should know that. You don’t email your fucking daughter when you’re a leader. Leaders need to make decisions, they need to be focused. You don’t hide stuff.“That’s why I like Trump,” she continued. “He’s not perfect. He’s a human being. We all make mistakes. We can all change our mind. We get educated, but once you have the knowledge, you still have to go with your gut.”Hand-wringing among Democrats about the party’s declining support among white working-class voters goes back a long time, to Lyndon Johnson’s declaration that signing the Civil Rights Act would sacrifice the allegiance of white Southerners. Then came the rest of the historical litany: the crime wave, riots and anti-Vietnam War protests of the late 1960s, the consolidation of suburban white flight, Nixon’s Silent Majority, Reagan Democrats, NAFTA, gun control, the War on Coal, and on and on. By this year, many liberals had gotten so fed up with hearing about these woebegone voters and all their political needs that they were openly declaring them a lost cause, motivated more by racial issues than economic anxiety, and declaring that the expanding Democratic coalition of racial and ethnic minorities and college-educated white voters obviated the need to cater to the white working class.But this assessment suffered from a fatal overgeneralization. The “white working class” was a hugely broad category — as pollsters defined it, any white voter without a four-year college degree, roughly one-third of the electorate. Within that category were crucial distinctions, especially regional ones. Democrats in national elections had lost most white working-class voters in the Deep South — indeed, virtually all white voters there — a long time ago. They had in the past decade and a half seen much of Greater Appalachia, stretching from the Alleghenies to Arkansas, follow suit, to the point where West Virginia, one of just five states that Jimmy Carter won in 1980, went for Mitt Romney by 26 percentage points in 2012. It was hard to see how the Democrats were going to win back coal country like Logan County, W.V., which Bill Clinton won with 72 percent in 1996 but where Obama got only 29 percent in 2012.But there was a whole subset of the white working class Obama was still winning: voters in northern states where unions, however diminished, still served to remind members of their Democratic roots (and build inter-racial solidarity). In these states, voters could still find national figures who represented them and their sort, people like Ohio Sen. Sherrod Brown and Vice President Joe Biden. Lackawanna County, Pennsylvania, centered on Biden’s hometown of Scranton, went for Obama with 63 percent of the vote in 2012. Rural Marquette County, in Michigan’s Upper Peninsula, went for him with 56 percent of the vote. In Ohio, there were a couple counties in the state’s Appalachian southeast that went stronger for Obama in 2012 than they had in 2008. In the opposite corner of the state, gratitude for Obama’s bailout of the auto industry helped win him 64 percent of the vote in Lucas County, around Toledo. Across the North, Obama ran even or ahead with John Kerry and Al Gore among white working class voters; their raw vote total for him nationwide exceeded his tallies of college-educated white voters and minority supporters.On Election Day 2012, one voter I spoke with in Columbus, Ohio, encapsulated how well Obama had managed to frame the election as a “who’s on your side” choice between himself and the private equity titan Mitt Romney, and thereby hold onto enough white working-class voters in crucial swing states. Matt Bimberg, 50, was waiting by himself at a remote bus stop in a black neighborhood on the edge of town. He had in the past decade lost jobs as a telecom technician for Global Crossing (he still carried a Global Crossing tote bag) and at a factory making escape hatches for buses. But he had just landed a job at a nearby warehouse as a forklift operator, a success for which he credited a three-week training course paid for by the U.S. Department of Labor. And as gratitude for that, he was voting for Obama after voting for John McCain in 2008. “My line of thinking was that under Romney and [Paul] Ryan, it would be more of a trickle-down administration,” he said. “Their thinking is to give that money to corporations and the rich in tax breaks, and some will trickle down. But it didn’t work then and it won’t work now. Romney reminds me so much of Reagan’s theory of supply-side economics. It scares me.”Not so long ago, Hillary Clinton would have seemed ideally suited to keep such northern white working-class voters in the fold. After all, she had trounced Obama among many of these very voters in the 2008 primaries, as she beat him in states such as Ohio and Pennsylvania and at one point went so far as to declare herself, in a slip of the tongue, the champion of “working, hard-working Americans, white Americans.”But things had changed in the intervening years. For one thing, she was further removed from her stint representing downtrodden upstate New York as a senator — she had spent the years since 2008 in the rarefied realm of the State Department and then giving more than 80 paid speeches to banks, corporations and trade associations, for a total haul of $18 million. For another thing, cause for resentment and letdown had grown in many of those Rust Belt communities where Obama had held his own — they might be inching their way back from the Great Recession, but the progress was awfully slow, and they were lagging ever further behind booming coastal cities like New York, San Francisco and Washington, where the income gap compared with the rest of the country had grown far larger.Most crucially, she was running not against Mitt Romney, the man from Bain Capital, but against Donald Trump. Yes, Trump was (or claimed to be) a billionaire himself, but he was not of Romney’s upper crust — they scorned him and his casinos and gold-plated jet, and were giving him virtually none of their campaign contributions. Trump attacked the trade deals that had helped hollow out these voters’ communities, he attacked the Mexicans who had heavily populated some of their towns and had driven much of the heroin trade in others, and, yes, he tapped into broader racial resentments as well. Faced with this populist opposition, Clinton fatefully opted against taking the “I’m on your side; he’s not” tack that Obama had used so well against Romney, and had instead gone about attacking Trump’s fitness for the presidency.Back in Dayton, where Clinton never visited during the entire campaign, I had run into two more former Obama voters after Trump’s March rally there. Both Heath Bowling and Alex Jones admitted to having been swept up in the Obama wave, but had since grown somewhat disenchanted. Bowling, 36, a burly man with a big smile, managed a small siding and insulation business, and as he’d grown older he’d had gotten more bothered about the dependency on food stamps he saw around him, especially among members of his own generation, and demoralized by the many overdose deaths in his circle.Jones, 30, who worked part-time at a pizza shop and delivering medicines to nursing homes, joked at first that his vote for Obama might have had to do with his having been doing a lot of drugs at the time. He grew serious when he talked about how much the Black Lives Matter protests against shootings by police officers grated on him. Chicago was experiencing soaring homicide rates, he said — why weren’t more people talking about that? He was upset that when he went out on the town in Cincinnati’s Over-the-Rhine bar district, he had to worry about getting jumped if he was on the street past a certain hour — and that he felt constrained against complaining against it. “If I say anything about that, I’m a racist,” he said. “I can’t stand that politically correct bullshit.” He had, he said, taken great solace in confiding recently in an older black man at a bar who had agreed with his musing on race and crime. “It was like a big burden lifted from me — here was this black man agreeing with me!”Polls had consistently showed that Trump’s support was stronger with white working-class men than women, and in October came a revelation that seemed sure to weaken his standing among women of all classes, release of an 11-year-old tape in which Trump boasted of trying to commit adultery with a married woman and grabbing women “by the pussy.”A few days after the release of the tape, which was followed by a string of accusations from women saying they had been sexually harassed and assaulted by Trump, I checked back in with Tracie St. Martin to see if she still supported him. She was working on a new gas plant in Middletown, a working-class town near Dayton that was the setting of the recent best-selling memoir “Hillbilly Elegy.” Here’s what she wrote back in a text message: “I still appreciate the honesty in some of his comments. Most of his comments. I still favor what he says he may be able to do. I am voting against Hillary, come what may with Trump. It’s important to me that ‘we the people’ actually have political power. And electing Trump will prove that. I am AMAZED at the number of people voting for him. The corruption is disgusting in the press. Yes, as of right now I am voting FOR Trump.” She was sure he would win, she said: “His support is crazy! The polls have to be wrong. Have to be fixed.”And she shared an anecdote that reflected how differently Trump’s comments had been received in some places than others. “I’m setting steel for this new gas plant…I’m operating a rough terrain forklift,” she wrote. “So today, I kept thinking about the debate and the audio was released … And I got underneath a load of steel and was moving it…I was laughing and laughing and one of the iron workers asked ‘what are u laughing at.’ I said ‘I grabbed that load right by the pussy’ and laughed some more…And said ‘when you’re an operator you can do that ya know’, laughed all fucking day.”Just last week, I was back in Ohio, in the southeastern Appalachian corner. I was at a graduation ceremony for opiate addicts who had gone through a recovery program, and sitting with four women, all around 30, who were still in the program. Someone mentioned the election, and all four of them piped up that they were voting for the first time ever. For whom? I asked. They looked at me as if I had asked the dumbest question in the world. All four were for Trump.The most of the loquacious of the group, Tiffany Chesser, said she was voting for him because her boyfriend worked at a General Electric light-bulb plant nearby that was seeing more of its production lines being moved to Mexico. She saw voting for Trump as a straightforward transaction to save his job. “If he loses that job we’re screwed — I’ll lose my house,” she said. “There used to be a full parking lot there — now you go by, there are just three trucks in the lot.”But Chesser also was viscerally opposed to Clinton who, the week prior, had endured a surprise announcement from FBI Director James Comey that a newly discovered cache of emails of hers was under scrutiny. “If she’s being investigated by the FBI, there’s a reason for it,” she said. I asked the women if they weren’t equally bothered by the many women’s accusations against Trump. They shrugged. “It’s locker-room talk,” Chesser said. “I know girls talk like that, and I know guys do.” But what about the accusations of assault? “Why are they just coming forward now?” she said. “If he did it to me before, I’d have come forward then. I wouldn’t wait until now.”The next day, I met with Taylor Sappington, a native of Southeast Ohio who, after graduating from Ohio University, had decided to run for town council last year in Nelsonville, pop. 5,400, and won a seat. Sappington, who had been raised in a manufactured home by a single mother and whose brother works as a corrections officer, was a proud Democrat. He had volunteered for Obama’s 2012 campaign and took comfort in knowing that parts of Southeast Ohio had remained solid for the Democrats, unlike so much of the rest of Appalachia. But he knew that Clinton would not perform as well in the area as Obama had. “It’s a Democratic area. But Trump has blown a hole through it,” he said. “They feel like this is a forgotten area that’s suffering, that has been forgotten by Columbus and Washington and then they hear someone say, we can turn this place around, they feel it viscerally.”And he feared that the national Democratic Party did not realize how little it could afford such a loss, or even realize how well it had those voters in the fold as recently as 2012. “I’m a believer in the Democratic coalition, but they’re writing off folks and it’s going to hurt them,” he said. “To write them off is reckless.”A week later, on Election Day, I drove to a polling station in Shrewsbury, Pennsylvania, a small town south of York, just across the Maryland line. The polling station was inside an evangelical church housed inside a vast, mostly abandoned shopping plaza. It’s Republican country, where Romney outpolled Obama 2–1, but I was still startled by how long it was taking me to find a single Hillary Clinton voter.But there was yet another woman voting for the first time in her life, at age 55, for Trump. “I didn’t have much interest in politics. But the older you get you realize more and more how important it is,” said Kelly Waldemire, who works in a local plastic-molding plant. “When it got to the point where the country is going in the wrong direction, I thought it was time.”And there was yet another voter who had been for Obama in 2008 — Brian Osbourne, a 33-year-old Navy veteran who now drove all the way to Washington, D.C., every day to do commercial HVAC work because it paid double there what it would in Shrewsbury. The local economy had come back a little, he said, but “there’s a lot of people working jobs that they’re overqualified for.” That wasn’t all, he said. He hesitated, warning that what he was about to say wasn’t “politically correct,” and then said, “We’re really getting pussified as a country.”I asked what he made of reports that Trump wrote off as much of a billion dollars on his taxes to avoid paying any at all. He shrugged it off just as every Trump voter I spoke with there did. “That doesn’t worry me all that much,” he said. “That’s what he does — that’s the loophole the government created. He takes advantage of what the system created. I’d do the same thing.”As for Obama, his promise of racial reconciliation had been a “big letdown,” he said. “I thought it would help with race relations, but it’s getting way worse,” he said. “I wouldn’t be surprised if we have another civil war in this country.”And there were yet more women willing to wave off Trump’s comment on the tape and the women’s accusations against him. “I don’t take that crap seriously,” said Tammy Nuth, 49, who cares for Alzheimer’s patients. “Men are men.” As for the women accusers: “I think they’re getting paid off.”As I was preparing to leave, I glimpsed a young woman who I guessed might’ve voted for Clinton, and approached her to help balance my reporting. I was wrong. Stephanie Armetta, an 18-year-old working as a grocery store cashier before heading to community college, had cast her first-ever ballot, for Donald Trump. Her family had many members in the military, she said, and she thought Trump would “have more respect” for them. She thought it was wrong that if her brother got deployed, he got only two meals per day, while people in prison get three. And then of course there was Benghazi, “that she left [the four Americans] there, that they weren’t her priority.” She was bothered by Trump’s comments on the tape, for sure. But, she said, “I’m glad how he didn’t lie about it. They caught him and he said, yeah, I said an asshole thing.” Not to mention, she said, “Bill Clinton isn’t good either on that subject.” Her vote, she concluded, was “more against Hillary than for Trump.”Trump won that one small precinct by 144 more votes than Romney had won it in 2012 — a 20 percent increase. And all across rural and small-town Pennsylvania, that pattern repeated itself. In Scranton’s Lackawanna County, where Obama had won 63 percent, Clinton won only 50 percent.In Michigan’s rural Marquette County, where Obama had won 56 percent, Clinton got only 49 percent. Trump became the first Republican since 1988 to win Pennsylvania or Michigan.In Ohio’s Mahoning County, home of Youngstown, where Obama got 63 percent, Clinton got only 50 percent. In Hocking County, just adjacent to Nelsonville, Clinton fell even further, getting 30 percent, down from the 48 percent Obama had gotten, and realizing Taylor Sappington’s fears.And at Tracie St. Martin’s working-class precinct in Miamisburg, where Obama had managed to get 43 percent in 2012, Clinton’s support plunged to 26 percent, giving Trump a margin of 293 votes just in that one precinct, triple Romney’s margin four years earlier. That helped provide Trump a historic claim: the first Republican majority in Dayton’s Montgomery County in 28 years. Statewide, Trump won by a whopping eight percentage points, a swing of 10 points from four years earlier. He had brought new voters out of the woodwork; he had converted some white working-class Obama voters while others had just stayed home.St. Martin, who was still hard at work on the Middletown gas plant with a “great bunch of ironworkers,” was elated. “I just really needed to know that I was part of a majority that recognized we need these things that Trump spoke of,” she told me. “More importantly for me, to NOT have Hillary as Commander in Chief.”ProPublica is a Pulitzer Prize-winning investigative newsroom. Sign up for their newsletter.last_img read more

first_imgRijeka Property doo has signed a twenty-year cooperation agreement with the Orbis Group, Accora’s strategic partner in Central and Eastern Europe, for the first ibis Styles hotel in Croatia. Accor je vodeća hotelska grupacija koji je pristuan u 4.800 hotela, resorta i rezidencijalnih objekata u 100 država diljem svijeta. Pokrivajući sve segmente – od ekonomske do luksuzne klase, Accor pruža gostoprimstvo na tržištu više od 50 godina. U Hrvatskoj danas Accor upravlja luksuznim Rixos Libertas resortom u Dubrovniku dok se sljedeće godine očekuje otvorenje Novotel in Zagreb with 170 rooms. On the other hand, Orbis Hotel Group is the largest hotel group in Poland and Eastern Europe, comprising more than 130 hotels and is the only licensee for all Accor hotel brands in 16 countries, including Bosnia and Herzegovina, Bulgaria, Croatia, the Czech Republic, Estonia, Hungary, Latvia, Lithuania, Macedonia, Moldova, Montenegro, Poland, Romania, Serbia, Slovakia and Slovenia. Hotels with a total of 20.500 rooms operate under the brands Sofitel, Pullman, Novotel, Mercure, adagio, ibis, ibis Styles and ibis budget. The hotel in Rijeka will have a total area of ​​14.969 square meters, will have 150 rooms, of which 18 family, a modern bar, restaurant, four conference halls and meeting rooms, a wellness area and 115 parking spaces for hotel guests and citizens. The interior of the hotel will bring guests closer to the industrial heritage of Rijeka, the largest Croatian port and one of the most important ports in Southeast Europe. It will employ about 45 people who could welcome the first guests in the second half of 2021. Work on the ibis Styles Rijeka hotel should begin before the end of this year, and the investment will amount to 18.5 million euros.  “We are excited that our partners have chosen the ibis Styles brand and us from Orbis and Accor for such a significant hotel project. Rijeka, as the largest port in Croatia, offers at the same time a robust business environment and casual facilities. We definitely see more opportunities for development, not only in Rijeka and the capital, but also in the whole of Croatia” navodiFrank Reul, voditelj razvoja Orbis & Accor Grupe za srednjoistočnu Europu. “ibis Styles is the world’s leading hotel chain known for its affordable prices that perfectly combines comfort and distinctive design. This well-known brand allows us great flexibility in building the personality of our hotel, be it a pillow, a bathroom, a bar or an overall interior design. We have space to tell the story of Rijeka through every detail. There is no such product in Croatia yet and we are sure that ibis Styles brings a new level of quality, energy and hospitality to the market of Rijeka and Croatia. That is our ambition. ” explains the representative of Rijeka Property doo By signing the contract, the Orbis Group, otherwise the license holder for all Accor hotel brands in 16 countries, means confirmation of the arrival of the first ibis Styles hotel in Croatia, more precisely in Rijeka. RELATED NEWS: THE FIRST NOVOTEL HOTEL TO OPEN ITS DOORS IN ZAGREB AT THE END OF 2020last_img read more